Unemployment rate

Managing Disinflation

Large, advanced economy central banks are working hard to lower inflation from 40-year highs. Policy rates are up sharply in Canada, the euro area, the United Kingdom and the United States. While disinflation has started, inflation remains far above policymakers’ common target of 2 percent.

Based on their latest projections published in December, most U.S. Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) participants anticipate a largely benign return to price stability, without a decline in real GDP or a rise of the unemployment rate to much more than 4½ percent. Is this optimism justified? Pointing to the historical record, some prominent analysts wonder whether it is possible to engineer such a large disinflation at what would be such a low cost (see, for example, Lawrence Summers).

This is the setting for this year’s report for the U.S. Monetary Policy Forum that we wrote with Michael Feroli, Peter Hooper and Frederic Mishkin. In the report, we focus on the central challenge facing central banks today: how to minimize the costs of disinflation. To address this question, we employ two approaches: a historical analysis in which we assess the costs of sizable disinflations since the 1950s; and a model-based analysis in which we examine the degree to which policymakers might have been able to   anticipate the recent surge of inflation, as well as the path of policy that is likely needed to achieve the desired disinflation.

In the remainder of this post, we summarize the USMPF report’s analysis and conclusions….

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To improve Fed policy, improve communications

Since May 2021, we have criticized the Federal Reserve’s lagging response to surging inflation. In our view, both policy and communications were inadequate to address the looming challenge. Early this year, we argued that the Fed created a policy crisis by refusing to acknowledge the rise of trend inflation, maintaining a hyper-expansionary policy well after trend inflation reached levels far above their 2% target, and failing to articulate a credible low-inflation policy.

Against this background, we commend the FOMC for its recent efforts. Not only is policy moving quickly in the right direction, but communication improved markedly. In particular, despite the increasing likelihood of a near-term recession, Chair Powell made clear that price stability is necessary for achieving the second part of the Fed’s dual mandate. We suspect that the combination of the Fed’s recent promise to make policy restrictive, along with its improved communications, is playing a key role in anchoring longer-term inflation expectations.

In this post, we focus on central bank communication and its link to policy setting. By far the most important goal of communication is to clarify the authorities’ reaction function: the systematic response of central bank policy to prospective changes in key economy-wide fundamentals—usually inflation and the unemployment rate.

To anticipate our conclusions, we argue for two changes to the FOMC’s quarterly Summary of Economic Projections to better illuminate the Committee reaction function. First, we encourage publication of more detail on individual participants’ responses to link individual projections of inflation, economic growth, and unemployment to the path of the policy rate. Second, we see a role for scenario analysis in which FOMC participants provide their anticipated policy path contingent on one or more adverse supply shocks that present unappealing policy tradeoffs (for example, between the speed of returning inflation to its target and the pace at which the unemployment rate returns to its sustainable level)….

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No Recession . . . Yet

The press is abuzz with claims that the United States is in recession because real GDP declined in both the first and second quarters of 2022. Many people use this “two consecutive quarters of declining GDP” formula as an informal indicator of a recession. And, they are generally right, it has been useful: since 1950, nine of 11 recessions designated by the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) Business Cycle Dating Committee (BCDC) included at least two consecutive quarters of falling GDP. Moreover, given the recent slowdown in economic activity, people are starting to feel as if they are experiencing a recession. Indeed, going forward, we expect that a recession will be associated with the disinflation which the Federal Reserve seeks (see our recent post).

Nevertheless, in current circumstances, there are good reasons not to rely on the simple recipe that equates two consecutive quarters of falling GDP with a recession. Indeed, when people ask us whether the economy currently is in a recession—something that occurs daily—we respond: “not yet, but very likely over the next year.”

In this post, we provide a primer on the criteria that the NBER BCDC uses to produce the authoritative dating of U.S. recessions. (The complete NBER cyclical chronology is here.) We explain how economists improve upon the simple formula by using multiple sources of information that are observed frequently and are less prone to large revisions—especially around business cycle turning points. We conclude with a brief explanation of why the risk that the United States will enter a recession in the near future is very high….

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Can vacancies plunge without a significant rise of unemployment?

The primary objective of central bankers is to maintain low and stable inflation. While this task was never easy, the recent bout of large, adverse supply shocks—from the pandemic to the Russian invasion of Ukraine—combined with massive demand stimulus (both fiscal and monetary) made the task of securing price stability far more difficult.

Our favored indicator of the inflation trend, the Dallas Fed’s trimmed mean PCE price index, rose at a 4.4% annual rate over the past six months, and seems to be accelerating. Furthermore, while activity has slowed, the U.S. labor market remains extraordinarily tight: there are nearly two vacancies for each person who is unemployed—well above the peaks of the early 1950s and the late 1960s.

Against this background, a large, recession-free disinflation seems highly unlikely to us (see our recent post). In theory, a plunge of vacancies could cool a very hot labor market without raising unemployment (see, for example, Waller). In practice, however, the behavior of the relationship between vacancies and unemployment since 1950—what is known as the Beveridge Curve—suggests that this is very unlikely (see Blanchard, Domash and Summers).

That is the subject of this post….

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