Last month, the President’s Working Group on Financial Markets (PWG) called for the introduction of a regulatory framework for “payment stablecoins”—private crypto-assets that (unlike the highly volatile Bitcoin) are pegged 1:1 to a national currency and “have the potential to be used as a widespread means of payment.” Most notably, to limit the risk of runs, the Report calls for legislation restricting stablecoin issuance to insured depositories.

In this post, we first document the rapid growth of stablecoin usage. We then highlight the features which make stablecoins subject to run risk that, in the absence of appropriate governmental controls, could destabilize the financial system. Next, we consider the three regulatory approaches that Gorton and Zhang (GZ) propose for making stablecoins resilient: the first, and the one favored by the PWG, is to limit stablecoin issuance to insured depositories; the second is to require 1:1 backing of stablecoins with sovereign securities (in the case of the United States and the U.S. dollar, these would be U.S. Treasury issues); and the third is to require 1:1 backing with central bank reserves. We conclude with a brief discussion of whether central bank digital currencies are an appropriate means to displace stablecoins.

To foreshadow our conclusions, we view the PWG proposal as the preferred alternative. However, absent near-term prospects for legislative action, we hope that the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) will consider—as GZ suggest—using its powers under the Dodd-Frank Act to designate the issuance of payments stablecoins as an activity that is “likely to become” systemically important. FSOC designation would authorize the Federal Reserve to promote uniform standards without waiting years for legislation that authorizes a new regulatory framework.

Inflation Policy

“Headline” inflation is making painful headlines again. In October, consumer prices rose by 6.2 percent from a year ago—the most rapid gain in at least three decades. Measures of trend inflation also are showing unsettling increases, with the trimmed mean CPI up by 4%. And there are reasons to believe that inflation will stay well above policymakers’ 2% target for an extended period.

In this post, we briefly summarize how we got here and argue that the Federal Reserve needs to change course now. In our view, current monetary policy is far too accommodative. Moreover, the sooner the Fed acts, the more likely it is that policymakers will be able to restore price stability without undermining the post-COVID expansion.

U.S. Gets a Start on Climate-related Financial Risk

Co-authored with Richard Berner, NYU Stern Clinical Professor of Finance and Co-Director, Volatility and Risk Institute.

Many sources of risk threaten the U.S. financial system. Pandemic risk and cyber risk are at or near the top of our list of nightmares. Yet, with the UN Climate Change conference (COP26) under way in Glasgow, attention is shifting to efforts aimed at limiting the economic and financial damage from climate change, including a timely new “Report on Climate-relat ed Financial Risk” from the U.S. Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC).

As the Report makes clear, U.S. policymakers need a far better understanding of climate-related financial risk. Indeed, when President Biden issued an exec utiv e order in May instructing financial regulators to conduct a thorough risk assessment, the United States already was behind other advanced economies. As an initial response to the President’s directive, the Report catalogs the range of climate risk threats, describes actions individual U.S. regulators have begun taking to address them, and lists many things that still need to be done. By setting priorities, the FSOC is now putting climate change “squarely at the forefront of the agenda of its member agencies.”

In this post, we highlight three themes in the Report: (1) the ongoing rise of physical climate risk; (2) the conceptual challenges associated with measurement, as well as the data gaps; and (3) the benefits of scenario analysis as a tool for assessing the financial stability risks arising from climate change. The key lesson that we draw from scenario analysis is that a financial system resilient to a range of other shocks is more likely to be resilient against climate risk. Put differently, a less-resilient financial system is vulnerable to all types of shocks, including those arising from climate change.

The Urgent Agenda for Financial Reform

Thanks to unprecedented interventions by central banks and fiscal authorities, the pandemic-induced financial strains of March-April 2020 are now well behind us. Unfortunately, as a consequence of the official actions necessary to stabilize the financial system, market participants now count on government backstops to insure them against the fallout from future disturbances.

Naturally, central banks should be prepared to combat extreme shocks that threaten financial stability. However, to limit excessive reliance on central banks, we need to ensure that financial institutions can continue to operate smoothly on their own even in bad times. This means redesigning parts of the financial architecture. While market participants have a major role to play, it is authorities who need to address externalities—spillover effects—and to improve incentives for the private sector to maintain the liquidity of markets and access to short-term funding in times of moderate stress.

With the pandemic-induced disruptions still fresh in memory, this is the perfect time to identify deficiencies and implement reforms aimed at improving the resilience of the financial system. Fortunately, the June 2021 Report of the Hutchins Center-Chicago Booth Ta sk Force on Financial Stability (H-B) addresses all the key challenges, laying out a broad agenda for U.S. financial reform. In addition, we have the July 2021 G-3 0 R e port that provides detailed proposals for reforming the U.S. Treasury market.

In this post, we discuss these reform proposals, highlighting areas where we strongly agree and believe that implementation is urgent. In particular, we emphasize the benefits that would come from changes in the Treasury market (cash and repo), in the central counterparties (CCPs) that have become the most critical links in the global financial system, and in open-end mutual funds holding illiquid assets. We also highlight the governance proposals in the H-B Report. In our view, full implementation of the agendas set out in the these reports would make the U.S. financial system far safer than it is today….

Central Banks and Climate Policy

Avoiding a climate catastrophe requires an urgent global effort on the part of households, firms and governments to reduce our reliance on fossil fuels. Like many economists, we support a carbon tax. We also favor generous fiscal support for R&D to substitute for fossil fuels and remove carbon from the atmosphere.

What role should central banks play in this global effort? That is the prime focus of this post. We argue that central banks must preserve the independence needed for effective monetary policy. That implies only a modest role in addressing climate change.

Central banks are involved in both financial regulation and monetary policy. In each case, there are some things that central bankers can and should do to help counter the threat posed by climate change. As financial regulators, they should implement an improved disclosure regime and develop tools to ensure the financial system is resilient to climate risks.

In conducting monetary policy, central bankers should follow a simple, powerful principle: do not influence relative prices. To be sure, it is and should be standard practice to use interest rates to influence relative prices between consumption today and tomorrow. However, central banks ought not influence relative prices among contemporaneous activities. We will see that achieving this form of relative price neutrality may require central bankers to shift the composition of their assets and to alter the treatment of collateral in their lending operations….

The ECB's New Strategy: Codifying Existing Practice . . . plus

When the ECB began operation in 1999, many observers focused on its differences from the Federal Reserve. Yet, since the start, the ECB was much like the Fed. And, over the past two decades, the ECB and the Fed have learned a great deal from each other, furthering convergence.

Against this background, it is unsurprising that the broad monetary policy strategies in the United States and the euro area converged as well. On July 8, the ECB published the culmination of the strategy review that began in early 2020, the first since 2003. The implementation of the new strategy comes nearly one year after the Fed revised its longer-run goals in August 2020 (see our earlier posts here and here).

If past is prologue, observers will exaggerate the differences. Perhaps most obvious, unlike the Fed, the ECB’s strategic update did not introduce an averaging framework in which they would “make up” for past errors. Nevertheless, we suspect that it will be difficult to distinguish most Fed and ECB policy actions based on the modest differences in their strategic frameworks. For the most part, both revised strategies codify existing practice, as they permit extensive discretion in how they employ their growing set of policy tools.

In this post, we summarize the motivations for the ECB’s new strategy and describe three notable changes: target 2% inflation, symmetrically and unambiguously; integrate climate change into the framework; and outline a plan to introduce owner-occupied housing into the price index they target (the euro area harmonised index of consumer prices). While the new strategy can help the ECB achieve its price stability mandate, in our view the overall impact of the revisions is likely to be modest….

The QE Ratchet

When it comes to quantitative easing (QE), where you stand definitely depends on where you sit. That is among the conclusions of the important new report of the Economic Affairs Committee of the UK House of Lords.

The report provides an excellent survey of how it is that central banks now use their balance sheets. Its key conclusions are the following. First, central bankers should clearly communicate the rationale for their balance sheet actions, stating what they are doing and why. Second, policymakers should provide more detail on their estimates (and uncertainties) of the effectiveness of their various actions, especially QE. Third, they should be aware that the relationship between central bank balance sheet policy and government debt management policy poses a risk to independence. Finally, and most importantly, central bankers need an exit plan for how they will return to a long-run sustainable level for their balance sheet.

We discussed several of these points in prior posts. On communication, we argued that central bankers should be clear about their reaction function for both interest rate and balance sheet policies (see here). On the justification for policymakers’ actions, we emphasized the need for clear, simple explanations tied to policymakers’ objectives, distinguishing carefully between the intended purposes (such as monetary policy, lender/market maker of last resort, or emergency government finance; see here). And, on the relationship between QE and fiscal finance, we noted how the ballooning of the U.S. Treasury’s balance at the Fed in the early stages of the pandemic looked like monetary finance, putting independence at risk (see here).

In this post, we turn to the challenge that Lord King highlights in the opening quote: the need to ensure that central banks do not see bond purchases as a cure-all for every ill that befalls the economy and the financial system, causing their balance sheets repeatedly to ratchet upward….

Talking about Tapering

In May, we argued that the FOMC needed to communicate its contingency plans for what they would do should the recent inflation pickup prove more stubborn than its members expect. Such transparency makes it more likely that financial markets will respond to incoming data rather than to policymakers’ actions. By clearly laying out their reaction function, central bankers can avoid disruptions like market taper tantrums.

In June, the FOMC began to remove the self-imposed communication shackles designed to encourage “lower for longer” interest rate expectations and address inflation risks more openly. Indeed, as the above citation from Chairman Powell indicates, at their June meeting, policymakers began to lay the groundwork for scaling back their large-scale asset purchases (LSAPs).

In this post, we start by highlighting how recent Fed communication (which reveals appropriate humility about inflation projections) has helped avoid a market tantrum so far. Along the way, we discuss the various means that FOMC participants have used to express their changing views about the timing of interest rate increases (“liftoff”), even as they make clear that tapering their asset purchases will come first….

Central Bank Digital Currency: The Battle for the Soul of the Financial System

While the conflict is largely quiet and out of public view, we are in the midst of an epic battle for the soul of the financial system. Central banks are thinking about whether they should substitute publicly issued digital currency for the bank-issued digital money that people use every day. How this plays out can profoundly reshape the financial system and make it less stable.

The forces driving government decisions are unusual because there is a widespread fear of losing an emerging arms race. No one wants to face plunging demand for their currency or surging outflows from their financial institutions should another central bank introduce an attractive new means of exchange. But that pressure to prepare for the financial version of military mobilization can lead to a very unstable global system that thwarts monetary control.

Central bank digital currency (CBDC) can take many forms. While some may be benign, the most radical version—one that is universally available, elastically supplied, and interest bearing—has the potential to trigger destabilizing financial shifts, weaken the supply of credit, and undermine privacy….

Understanding How Central Banks Use Their Balance Sheets: A Critical Categorization

This comment is jointly authored by Stephen G. Cecchetti and Sir Paul M.W. Tucker.

Central banks have been reinvented over the past decade, first in response to the financial crisis, and then as a consequence of Covid-19. While trying to maintain monetary stability and promote economic recovery, their balance sheets have ballooned. In 2007, the central banks in the United States, euro area, United Kingdom, and Japan had total assets from 6% to 20% of nominal GDP. By the end of 2020, the Fed’s balance sheet was 34% of GDP, the ECB’s 59%, the Bank of England’s 40%, and the Bank of Japan’s 127%.

Before it is possible to consider how well this worked, it is necessary to be clear about what policymakers’ various operations were trying to achieve. Headline declarations of aiming at “price stability” or “financial stability” are unsatisfactory as they jump to end goals without attending to the motivations for specific operations and facilities. The case of the Fed is illustrative. Among other things, they bought U.S. Treasury bonds, offered to purchase commercial paper, corporate and municipal bonds, and set up facilities to lend directly to real-economy businesses as well as to securities dealers. These cannot be assessed solely on whether, alone or together, each materially improved the outlook for economic activity and inflation.

Without a sense of the intended purpose of each central bank action, it is difficult for political overseers or interested members of the public to hold central banks accountable. Precisely because central banks are independent (rightly in our view), that accountability takes the form of public scrutiny and debate. But we argue that it is also hard for central bankers themselves to do their jobs unless they distinguish carefully—in internal deliberations, and external communication—the rationale for different interventions….

Commentary

Money, Banking, and Financial Markets